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Recent Research Reports and News: January 2003

Fathers—Research    |    Children & Families    |     Fatbers/Mothers in Prison    |     Census Data    |     Systemic Barriers    |     Welfare Reform    |     NCOFF Abstracts

Fathers—Research


  • The Challenge of Helping Low-Income Fathers Support Their Children: Final Lessons from Parents' Fair Share, Manpower Demonstration Research Corp., November 2001.

    Report Excerpt:
    Fathers provide important financial and emotional support to their children. Yet low-income noncustodial fathers, with low wages and high rates of joblessness, often do not fulfill their parenting roles. The child support system has not traditionally helped these men to do so, since its focus has been on securing financial support from fathers who can afford to pay. Meanwhile, fathers who cannot pay child support accumulate debts that can lead them to evade the system and its penalties altogether - and further limit their contact with their children.

    Parents' Fair Share (PFS) was designed as an alternative to standard enforcement. Launched in 1994 in seven sites, PFS was a national demonstration program that aimed to help low-income noncustodial fathers find more stable and better-paying jobs, pay child support on a consistent basis, and become more involved parents. Funded by the organizations listed at the front of this monograph, PFS provided employment and training services, peer support groups, voluntary mediation between parents, and modified child support enforcement.

    Besides designing the PFS demonstration, MDRC evaluated it. Between 1994 and 1996, each of more than 5,500 fathers was randomly assigned to PFS or a control group, and the program's effects were estimated by comparing how the two groups fared over a two-year period. This monograph synthesizes the demonstration's key findings and uses them to formulate several recommendations for the next generation of fatherhood programs.

    Key Findings As a group, the fathers were very disadvantaged, although some were able to find low-wage work fairly easily. PFS increased employment and earnings for the least-employable men but not for the men who were more able to find work on their own. Most participated in job club services, but fewer than expected took part in skill-building activities. PFS encouraged some fathers, particularly those who were least involved initially, to take a more active parenting role. Many of the fathers visited their children regularly, although few had legal visitation agreements. There were modest increases in parental conflict over child-rearing decisions, and some mothers restricted the fathers' access to their children.

    Men referred to the PFS program paid more child support than men in the control group. The process of assessing eligibility uncovered a fair amount of employment, which disqualified some fathers from participation but which led, nonetheless, to increased child support payments.

    Recommendations for Future Programs:
    How to increase employment and earnings: Structure the program to encourage longer-term participation and to include job-retention services. Provide the fathers who cannot find private sector employment with community service jobs or stipends, or combine part-time work with training. Use providers who have experience working with very disadvantaged clients. Earmark adequate funding for employment services.

    How to increase parental involvement: Increase fathers' access to their children by involving custodial mothers in the programs and providing the fathers with legal services to gain visitation rights. Be aware of the potential for increased parental conflict.

    How to increase child support payments: Mandate fathers' participation in employmentrelated activities to increase payments among low-income caseloads. Encourage active partnership of fatherhood programs with the child support system.

    For a copy of the complete report in PDF format, visit the MDRC web site.

Fathers and Mothers in Prison


  • Serving Parents Who Leave Prison: Final Report on the Work and Family Center, Jessica Pearson and Lanae Davis, Center for Policy Research, December 2001.

    Executive Summary Excerpt:
    This report focuses on the characteristics and experiences of 350 clients seen during August 1999 to March 15, 2001, at the Work and Family Center, a multi-agency collaboration to enhance the successful reintegration of offenders upon their release from Colorado prisons. All clients in the study had minor-aged children and were known to the child support agency in Colorado. They were offered assistance with employment, child support issues, and family reintegration.

    Mirroring the evaluation methodology used in studies of responsible fatherhood programs, this assessment draws on information collected from a variety of sources including: (1) intake forms completed by clients when they visited the WFC covering demographics, criminal history, family composition, living arrangements, and interest in various services; (2) telephone interviews conducted with clients six months following their initial visit to the WFC; and (3) reviews of automated records maintained by child support, employment, and criminal justice agencies to gauge patterns of child support payment, earnings, and return to prison. The study yielded the following results:

    * After a slow start, the WFC succeeded in cultivating a steady stream of referrals from many different sources in the criminal justice system and the community. On its two-year anniversary, the WFC was serving an average of 70 new clients per month, who reported learning about the facility from a variety of sources both within and outside of the criminal justice system.

    * The WFC serves a varied clientele that resembles the parole population released to Denver but is a less violent and lower risk group than Coloradois inmate population. The average WFC client in this study was a 35-year-old male, repeat offender, with a variety of racial and ethnic characteristics who had committed a drug crime or a burglary or theft. On average, clients had served 2.8 years and faced 2.3 years of parole. While 30 percent reported committing a violent crime, this was the case for 43.8 percent of Coloradois inmate population. Most WFC clients reported having a GED and being employed full-time before going to prison.

    * Many WFC clients reported regular contact with their children before going to prison, but little contact during their incarceration. Although more than half of WFC clients said they had lived with their children before going to prison, and nearly half of those who did not cohabit with their children reported seeing them often, most WFC clients reported that they never saw their children while in prison.

    * When they visited the WFC, clients were living in a variety of community and halfway house settings, and levels of contact with children were far lower than they had been prior to incarceration. When they visited the WFC, 41 percent reported that they had not had contact with any of their children since their release.

    * WFC clients faced many financial pressures and had limited resources. When they visited the WFC, two-thirds of clients owed child support and had an average total monthly support obligation of $295, plus an arrears obligation of $16,651. Seventy percent reported being required to pay restitution, with the average amount being $3,144. At their initial visit, half of the clients were employed full-time, earning an average of $9.00 per hour. Forty percent said they were unemployed, with the remainder working part-time or at pick-up jobs.

    * Paroled and released offenders came to the WFC for assistance with issues pertaining to their employment and financial situation, with child support being the most frequently mentioned type of desired help. Paroled and released offenders came to the WFC wanting help with child support (69%), transportation (57%), clothing (50%), employment (47%), and housing (41%). At their initial visit, very few reported wanting help getting to see their children or improving relationships with their children or the other parent, although 29 percent met with the mental health specialist and 16.3 percent met with a family law attorney for help with custody or visitation. The popularity of the WFC’s child support services reflects the fact that parole officers and community corrections agents tended to recommend the WFC to clients with child support problems, and the evaluation focused exclusively on clients with minor-aged children who were known to the child support agency.

    * Although nearly all WFC clients find jobs on their own, they report high levels of satisfaction with the employment service they receive at the WFC, with a small, non-representative sub-group of interviewed clients showing significantly higher earnings two quarters following their visit to the WFC. Nearly all interviewed WFC clients who saw an employment specialist said the intervention had been “very” or “somewhat” helpful, although only 20 percent (11 clients) reported that WFC staff had helped them find a job. Among the sub-group of clients seen at the WFC by June 30, 2000, and interviewed six months later, rates of full-time employment rose from 48 to 65 percent and quarterly earnings noted on wage records supplied by employers were significantly higher. At the same time, 60 percent of interviewed clients reported that their salary still did not cover their financial needs.

For a copy of the complete report in PDF format, visit the Center for Policy Research web site.

Children and Families


  • Mortality, severe morbidity, and injury in children living with single parents in Sweden: a population-based study, Gunilla Ringbäck Weitoft, Anders Hjern, Bengt Haglund, Måns Rosén, Centre for Epidemiology, National Board of Health and Welfare, Stockholm, Sweden, Lancet 2003; 361: 289-95, January 25, 2003.

    Summary
    Background: Growing up with one parent has become increasingly common, and seems to entail disadvantages in terms of socioeconomic circumstances and health. We aimed to investigate differences in mortality, severe morbidity, and injury between children living in households with one adult and those living in households with two adults.

    Methods: In this population-based study, we assessed overall and cause-specific mortality between 1991 and 1998 and risk of admission between 1991 and 1999 for 65 085 children with single parents and 921 257 children with two parents. We estimated relative risks by Poisson regression, adjusted for factors that might be presumed to select people into single parenthood, and for other factors, mainly resulting from single parenthood, that might have affected the relation between type of parenting and risk.

    Findings: Children with single parents showed increased risks of psychiatric disease, suicide or suicide attempt, injury, and addiction. After adjustment for confounding factors, such as socioeconomic status and parents' addiction or mental disease, children in single-parent households had increased risks compared with those in two-parent households for psychiatric disease in childhood (relative risk for girls 2·1 [95% CI 1·9-2·3] and boys 2·5 [2·3-2·8]), suicide attempt (girls 2·0 [1·9-2·2], boys 2·3 [2·1-2·6]), alcohol-related disease (girls 2·4 [2·2-2·7], boys 2·2 [2·0-2·4]), and narcotics-related disease (girls 3·2 [2·7-3·7], boys 4·0 [3·5-4·5]). Boys in single-parent families were more likely to develop psychiatric disease and narcotics-related disease than were girls, and they also had a raised risk of all-cause mortality.

    Conclusions: Growing up in a single-parent family has disadvantages to the health of the child. Lack of household resources plays a major part in increased risks. However, even when a wide range of demographic and socioeconomic circumstances are included in multivariate models, children of single parents still have increased risks of mortality, severe morbidity, and injury.

    What puts children of lone parents at a health disadvantage? Commentary, Lancet 2003; 361, January 25, 2003.

    The health disadvantage of lone mothers in industrialised countries has raised questions about the health of the children who live with them.1-5 Few studies, however, have analysed the health of children living with lone, compared with two parents, with sufficient sociodemographic data to adjust for key confounding and mediating factors. The paper in today's Lancet by Gunilla Ringb?ck Weitoft and colleagues is, therefore, important, not least because it is longitudinal, achieves almost complete population coverage, and links national registers to attach extensive socioeconomic data to health outcomes. The investigators followed up the mortality, severe morbidity, and hospital inpatient use of nearly a million Swedish children over 9 years.

    The main findings are that, after controlling for confounders, Swedish children of lone parents have more than double the risk of psychiatric disease, suicide or attempted suicide, and alcohol-related disease; and more than three times the risk of drug-related disease compared with their counterparts in two-parent households. Boys in lone-parent families also had increased risk of all-cause mortality. The question is what causes this health disadvantage? The investigators test various explanatory hypotheses and conclude that lack of household resources, as measured by receipt of social benefit and renting rather than owning a home, has a major role in accounting for these increased risks.

    For a copy of the full article and commentary, visit The Lancet web site. Note: Registration is required.

  • Youth who ìAge Outî of Foster Care: Troubled Lives, Troubling Prospects, Richard Wertheimer, Child Research Brief, Child Trends, December 2002.

    Overview:
    When children are abused, neglected, or abandoned by their parents or when parents’ owndifficulties (such as drug addiction, mental illness, and incarceration) leave them unable to provide adequate care, other relatives often step in. If no family members are able to take in these children, a court often places them in the care of other families or in institutions. And so, they enter the foster care system. Today, more than 500,000 children in America live in foster care ? about 8 out of every 1,000 children.1 This is a vulnerable population. Children who enter foster care have emotional, behavioral, developmental, and health problems that reflect the difficult family and environmental circumstances that caused them to be removed from their homes in the first place. Most of the children in foster care return to their families or are adopted (often by their foster parents), but not all. In 2000, more than 19,000 of the oldest children left foster care ? or ìaged outî in the parlance of child protective services ? and many were pretty much on their own.2 Usually, this happened when they turned 18.3

    If foster children, in general, are a population at risk, youth who age out of the system may be even more so. Research suggests that without the extended support most families provide young people in the transition to adulthood, youth leaving foster care face enormous challenges in building successful lives. They are less well prepared educationally, have a harder time embarking on a productive career, are more likely to abuse drugs and alcohol, and are more likely to be involved with the legal system. However, it is worth recalling that many of the problems evidenced by foster children have their roots in experiences that occurred before they entered the foster care system.

    Various strategies may be effective in reducing the number of young adults aging out of foster care, including ensuring that every child born in America is a ìwantedî child, improving the home environments of children at risk of abuse and neglect, and accelerating the permanent placement of foster children when it is clear that their home environments pose too great a risk for them to return. And various approaches are being taken to help these vulnerable young people as they must navigate the waters of early adulthood largely on their own. Some of these approaches appear promising, but rigorous research is needed to confirm that what we think may work does, in fact, help this vulnerable population.

    For a copy of the complete brief in PDF format, visit the Child Trends web site.

  • Ten Reasons to Keep the Focus on Teen Childbearing, Child Trends, December 2002.

    In this special report, Child Trends draws on the latest statistical data and research to show why it would be premature - even foolhardy - to push teen childbearing off the nation's radar screen. This report sets forth the ten reasons that we, as researchers concerned with child well-being, find most compelling.

    This report is available from Child Trends for $10. Please, visit the Child Trends web site for more information.

  • Children in Poverty: Trends, Consequences, and Policy Options, Kristin Anderson Moore, and Zakia Redd, Child Trends, November 2002.

    Overview:
    The percentage of U.S. children living in poverty in 2001 remained the lowest it’s been in nearly a quarter of a century. Nevertheless, a large number of children – one in six – are still poor, and the child poverty rate is no longer declining. Recently released U.S. Census data1 show that the percentage of children living in families with incomes below the poverty line remained virtually unchanged between 2000 and 2001 (from 16.2 percent to 16.3 percent, a statistically insignificant difference).2 Moreover, the number of children living in poverty remains quite high. In 2001, 11.7 million children were living in poverty,3 as were 11.6 million children in 2000.

    Child poverty warrants attention, especially in light of a growing body of research that links poverty with lower levels of child well-being. For a variety of reasons, when compared with children from more affluent families, poor children are, for example, more likely to demonstrate low academic achievement, to drop out of school, and to have health, behavioral, and emotional problems. These linkages are particularly strong for children whose families are trapped in poverty for a long time.

    This Research Brief brings together 2001 Census data to present a statistical portrait of children in poverty in the United States,4 updating a similar brief Child Trends produced in 1999. The brief also draws on available research studies to highlight some of the consequences of poverty for children and to consider program and policy approaches that seem to hold promise for decreasing poverty among low-income children and their families

    For a copy of the complete brief in PDF format, visit the Child Trends web site.

Census Data


Systemic Barriers


Welfare Reform


New Citations from NCOFF's FatherLit Database



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