Research Reports and News Posted April 2001:
Fathers--Research    |    
Children & Families    |    
New from Child Development    |    
Welfare Reform
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Fatherhood and Television: An Evaluation of Fatherhood Portrayals on Prime Time Television, Wade Horn, Richard Weinert, Alan Hawkins, and Thomas Sylvester, National Fatherhood initiative, November 2000.
Press Release excerpt:
A large number of negative father portrayals is not healthy for the institution of fatherhood or for America's children," concludes Fatherhood and Television: An Evaluation of Fatherhood Portrayals on Prime Time Television, released today by the National Fatherhood Initiative (NFI) at a Washington, DC, press conference. Fatherhood and Television, a follow up to last year's groundbreaking study, seeks to answer several questions, including:
- How are fathers portrayed on television vis-à-vis mothers?
- Does a father's marital status affect how he is portrayed?
- Do some networks portray fathers more positively than others?
- What model of fatherhood is our culture passing on to children through television?
...
NFI taped and reviewed every prime time television show on the six major networks (ABC, CBS, Fox, NBC, UPN, and WB) during the months of March and April 2000. To be included in the analysis, the television show had to have a father and/or a mother as a central, recurring character in at least two episodes of each show during this time period. Each show satisfying the inclusion criteria was then rated independently by at least three different raters on five dimensions of fatherhood/motherhood using a five point scale (five being the most positive):
- Involvement: The father/mother is involved with family activities such as eating dinner
together, going to church, attending children's sporting events, and interacting with the
child(ren)'s school.
- Engagement: The father/mother spends time interacting one-on-one with his/her
child(ren).
- Guidance: The father/mother is a role model for his/her child(ren) and is concerned with
the physical, spiritual, mental, emotional, and developmental growth of his/her children.
The father/mother is also concerned with the moral and character development of his/her
children.
- Competence: The father/mother is portrayed as capable and competent.
- Priority: The father/mother is portrayed as placing his/her family and role of
father/mother at the top of his/her priority list and makes sacrifices for his/her family.
Shows scoring 20 to 25 were considered to offer a positive portrayal; shows scoring 15 to 19.9 were considered to offer a mixed portrayal; and shows scoring 14.9 or below offer a negative portrayal.
A total of 31 prime time television shows out of 103 total network shows (excluding news, sports, and local programming) satisfied the inclusion criteria. Of these shows, there were a total of 31 father characters and 30 mother characters, indicating that almost equal numbers of mothers and fathers were portrayed as central, recurring characters during the study time period.
...
To obtain the complete Press Release and a full copy of the report in PDF format, visit the NFI web site.
Children Cared for by Relatives: Who Are They and How Are They Faring?, Jennifer Ehrle, Rob Geen, and Rebecca Clark, Urban Institute, February, 2001.
Introduction - Excerpt:
In 1997, 1.8 million children lived with relatives, with neither of their parents present in the home, according to analyses of the 1997 National Survey of America's Families (NSAF). The majority (1.3 million) of these children lived with kin privately without involvement of the child welfare system, while a half a million children were removed from their parents by a public agency because of abuse or neglect and placed with kin. Some of the children placed with kin by a public agency are in state custody (200,000) yet the majority (300,000) were placed with kin without being taken into custody. Many of these children, regardless of the circumstances of their placement, are living in impoverished environments with caretakers who are older and have limited formal education. Moreover, despite being eligible for numerous public services, such as Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), food stamps, and Medicaid, many children in kinship arrangements do not receive them.
These findings raise concerns about children living with kin and the environments in which they are being raised. A growing body of research by developmental psychologists suggests that separation from a parent or primary caretaker can be traumatic to a child (Bowlby, 1973, 1980). At the same time, the impact of a separation may be mediated by a host of factors innate to the child and by external factors such as the quality of the child's environment and the circumstances surrounding the separation (Fein and Maluccio, 1991). However, the findings in this brief suggest that many of these children live in poverty and are not receiving the services they need to overcome this hardship.
Despite this adversity, many experts believe that there are substantial benefits to placing children separated from their parents with kin rather than with unrelated foster parents. Specifically, research suggests kinship care placements may be preferable to nonkin foster care placements because they provide children with a sense of family support (Dubowitz et al. 1994). Research has also shown that children in kinship care have more frequent and consistent contact with birth parents and siblings than children in nonkin foster care (Chipungu et al. 1998). Yet it is still uncertain how the potentially damaging risks of poverty to children's development mitigate some of these benefits.
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The Relative Importance of Wife Abuse as a Risk Factor for Violence Against Children, Emiko Tajima, Child Abuse & Neglect, 24 (11): 1383-1398 November, 2000.
Author Abstract:
Objective: To investigate the relative importance of wife abuse as a risk factor for physical child abuse, physical punishment, and verbal child abuse. The study explored the
importance of wife abuse relative to blocks of parent, child, and family characteristics and also relative to specific risk factors.
Method: This study re-analyzed a sub-sample (N = 2,733) of data from the 1985 National Family Violence Survey. Hierarchical logistic regressions were conducted, using five
different criterion variables measuring physical child abuse, physical punishment, and verbal abuse separately and in combination.
Results: Blocks of parent, child, and family characteristics were more important predictors of violence towards children than was wife abuse, though the presence of wife abuse in
the home was a consistently significant specific risk factor for all Forms of violence against children. Of specific risk factors, a respondent's history of having been hit as an
adolescent was a larger risk factor for physical child abuse than was wife abuse. Wife abuse was an important predictor of physical punishment. Non-violent marital discord was a
greater factor in predicting likelihood of verbal child abuse than was wife abuse.
Conclusions: Though this study confirms the association between wife abuse and violence towards children, it cautions us not to overlook the contribution of other factors in our
attempts to understand the increased risk attributed to wife abuse.
For a copy of the complete article, contact Dr. Tajima at University of Washington School of
Social Work, 4101 15th Ave. NE, Seattle WA, 98105.
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Identified Spouse Abuse as a Risk Factor for Child Abuse, Peter Rumm, Peter Cummings, Margot Krauss, Michelle Bell, and Frederick Rivara, Child Abuse & Neglect, 24 (11): 1375-1381 November, 2000.
Abstract:
Context: There are limited data on the extent to which spouse abuse in a family is a risk factor for child abuse.
Objective: To estimate the subsequent relative risk of child abuse in families with a report of spouse abuse compared with other families.
Design: Cohort study.
Setting: Analysis of a centralized US Army database.
Participants: Married couples with children with at least one spouse on active duty in the US Army during 1989-95.
Main Outcome Measures: The US Army Family Advocacy Program's Central Database was used to identify child and spouse abuse. The exposure was an episode of identified
spouse abuse and the main outcome was a substantiated episode of subsequent child abuse.
Results: During the study period of an estimated 2,019,949 person years, 14,270 incident child abuse cases were substantiated. Families with an incident case of spouse abuse
identified during the study period were twice as likely to have a substantiated report of child abuse compared with other military families, rate ratio, 2.0, (95% confidence interval
[CI] 1.9-2.1). Young parental age had the highest rate ratio, 4.9 (95% CI 4.5-5.3) in the subgroup analysis controlling for rank. Identified spouse abuse was associated with
physical abuse of a child, rate ratio 2.4 (95% CI 2.2-2.5), and with sexual abuse of a child, rate ratio 1.5 (95% CI 1.3-1.7). Identified spouse abuse was not associated with child
neglect or maltreatment, rate ratio, 1.0 (95% CI 0.9-1.1).
Conclusion: An identified episode of spouse abuse in a family appears to be associated with an increased risk of subsequent child abuse and serves as an independent risk factor.
Therefore, care providers should consider the potential risk to children when dealing with spouse abuse.
For a copy of this article contact, Dr. Rivara at Harborview Injury Prevention and
Research Center, 325 Ninth Ave., Box 359960, Seattle, WA 98104.
New from Child Development, March - April 2001, Volume 72, Number 2 and
January - February 2001, Volume 72 Number 1. Society for Research in Child Development.
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Why Are Welfare Caseloads Falling? Stephen H. Bell, Urban Institute, March 2001.
Executive Summary Exerpt:
Between 1994 and 1999, welfare caseloads-initially Aid to Families with Dependent Children (AFDC), then Transitional Assistance to Needy Families (TANF)-fell by half. The conventional wisdom is that both falling unemployment and new work-oriented policies played major roles in this drop in dependence for low-income families. A number of economists and other researchers have lately sought to confirm this impression through scientific study of caseload levels and change, state to state and year to year. This paper summarizes the results of that effort-which remains ongoing-drawing from published reports of the President's Council of Economic Advisers and a set of academic papers.
Authors for all nine of the studies examined agree that the strong economy played a role in the caseload decline of the 1990s, reducing the number of AFDC and TANF recipients roughly 5 percent for every 1 percentage-point reduction in the nation's unemployment rate. There is less agreement on the influence of changes in welfare policy, including reforms initiated by states in the mid-1990s (known as the "waiver" reforms) and federal welfare reform legislated in the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunities Reconciliation Act of 1996. Most analyses show policy making a difference, albeit a smaller one than economic change.
However, three of the nine studies conclude that the association between policy reform and caseload change in the 1990s is misleading. They attribute caseload decline to two nonpolicy factors: lagged responses to economic growth and generally sluggish adjustment of welfare rolls to any change in external circumstances. This conclusion follows from the fact that, starting at least by the mid-1980s, sluggish caseload adjustment is evident throughout the observational period. Once the resulting "persistence effects" of past caseload levels are factored into the data through 1996, policy reforms in certain states and years no longer associate with lower caseloads. (These three studies do not look at the TANF years following 1996.)
The remaining studies-six of the nine reviewed-conclude that welfare reform did have an important downward influence on caseloads during the mid-1990s, effects that grew following the federal reforms of 1996. There, researchers did not posit sluggish caseload adjustment as a general phenomenon (although they did provide for delayed reactions to changes in economic conditions). At least one author justified this exclusion by suggesting that generalized "persistence effects" mask more important and fundamental factors at work in moving welfare caseloads up and down.
For a copy of the complete report in PDF format, visit the Urban Institute web site.
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Wisconsin Works: Meeting the Needs of Harder to Serve Participants, Kelly S. Mikelson for State of Wisconsin Department Workforce Development, Urban Institute, March 2001.
Executive Summary Excerpt:
Wisconsin Works (W-2), Wisconsin's welfare reform program, replaced the Aid to Families with Dependent Children program in September 1997. As part of Wisconsin's effort to move W-2 participants to self-sufficiency, participants are limited to 24 months in any one paid W-2 placement. However, despite the efforts of clients and case managers, statewide a small percentage of W-2 participants are unable to move from a paid position into unsubsidized employment due to one or more barriers to work they are facing. These clients are considered the harder to serve W-2 clients. For these clients, initial and subsequent 6-month extensions to the 24-month time limit may be applied for by the W-2 agency and approved by Wisconsin's Department of Workforce Development.
This paper examines the W-2 participants who have come within 3 months of the 24-month time limit in one of two paid employment categories-the W-2 Transitions and Community Service Jobs-and those who had an extension.1 Those who left before the 21 months or who moved to other W-2 employment positions by the end of the 24 months are not included in this analysis.
Through an analysis of Wisconsin's CARES administrative data, W-2 participant File data, and semi-structured interviews with several W-2 agencies, this paper describes the extension population. Data available from January 19993 through June 2000 indicate that 206 W-2 participants, of the 1,551 reaching 21 months, had extensions beyond the 24 months. Most of the remaining clients without extensions obtained employment, were determined not to qualify for an extension for one or more reasons, or moved to a different rung on the W-2 ladder.
Specifically, we examined the demographic characteristics, work activities, and barriers to self-sufficiency of the clients with and without an extension and why 1,345 clients did not have an extension. In addition, we present a logistic model that predicts the likelihood, controlling for several known characteristics, that clients in W-2 Transitions will have an extension. Finally, we discuss the extension process in the five W-2 agencies contacted and describe efforts at the state and local level to develop guidance on the process for extending the 60-month time limit for harder to serve clients.
For a copy of the complete report in PDF format, visit the Urban Institute web site.
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The Relationship Between Metropolitan and Non-Metropolitan Locations, Changing Welfare Policies, and
the Employment of Single Mothers, Signe-Mary McKernan, Robert Lerman, Nancy Pindus, and Jesse Valente, Urban Institute, February 2001.
Introduction - Excerpt:
Moving recipients off welfare rolls and into employment was one of the primary goals of welfare reform, as enacted in the Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) of 1996. Early evidence indicates that since welfare reform, caseload levels, unemployment rates for the working-age poor, and child poverty rates have all declined, but that there are geographic differences: Non-metropolitan areas are faring worse than metropolitan areas (Bosley and Mills 1999, Rural Policy Research Institute 1999). With single mothers as the primary beneficiaries of welfare and with roughly 20 percent of working-age welfare recipients living in non-metropolitan areas, an important research question is whether the employment responsiveness of single mothers differs in metropolitan and non-metropolitan areas (also referred to as metro and non-metro in the text).
This paper uses the nationally representative Current Population Survey to analyze the relationship between non-metro/metro locations, changing welfare policies, and the employment of single mothers. The paper÷s contributions to the rapidly growing welfare reform literature include: a focus on the employment effects of welfare reform rather than the effects on caseloads, use of a difference-in-difference approach rather than the commonly used deviations from time trend approach, the use of monthly rather than annual data, and the analysis of the differential effect of welfare reform in non-metro and metro areas. We find that welfare reform is playing a major role in raising the employment rates of single mothers, and that the gains are approximately as high in non-metro as in metro areas.
For a copy of the complete report in PDF format, visit the Urban Institute web site.
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